Читать книгу An Outline of the Phonology and Morphology of Old Provençal - C. H. Grandgent - Страница 14

23. Cl. L. ā, ă ＞ V. L. a ＞ Pr. ą: ărbŏrem ＞ ąrbre, grātum ＞ grąt, măre > mąr.

1. The ending -arius shows an irregular development in French and Provençal, the Provençal forms being mainly such as would come from -ĕrius; as in parlier, parleira. In the earliest stage we find apparently -ęr´ and -ęr´a; then -ęr´ and -ęir´a; next -ęr, -ięr and -ęira, -ięira; finally, with a reciprocal influence of the two genders, -ęr, -ięr, -ęir, and -ęra, -ięra, -ęira, -ięira: caballarium ＞ c(h)avaler -ier, -eir, ✱man(u)aria ＞ manera -iera -eira -ieira. The peculiar treatment of this suffix has not been satisfactorily explained. See E. R. Zimmermann, Die Geschichte des lateinischen Suffixes -arius in den romanischen Sprachen, 1895; E. Staaff, Le suffixe -arius dans les langues romanes, Upsala, 1896, reviewed by Marchot in Zs., XXI, 296, by Körting in Zeitschrift für französische Sprache, XXII, 55; Meyer-Lübke, Gram., I, 222, § 237; Zimmermann in Zs., XXVI, 591; Thomas in Rom., XXXI, 481 and in Bausteine zur romanischen Philologie, 641. The likeliest theory is that of Thomas: that -arius was associated with the Germanic ending -ari and participated in the umlaut which affected the latter; cf. Phon., pp. 34-36.

2. In Gascony and Languedoc ei is used for ai ＜ habeo. The ei perhaps developed first as a future ending (amar -ei) by analogy of the preterit ending -ei (amei): see Morphology, §§ 152, 1, 162, (4), 175, (4), where this latter ending is discussed also. For a different explanation, see Meyer-Lübke, Gram., I, 222, § 237.

3. A few apparent irregularities are to be traced to the vocabulary of Vulgar Latin. For instance, Pr. sereisa represents, not Cl. L. cĕrăsus, but V. L. cĕrĕsĕa: see Meyer-Lübke, Einf., § 103. Uebre is from ✱ŏpĕrit, or apĕrit modified by ✱cŏpĕrit = cōperit. Voig is from ✱vŏcĭtum = vacuum: Einf., § 114.

4. Such forms as fontaina = fontana ＜ fontāna, etc., and tres = tras ＜ trans, etc., are French or belong to the borderland between French and Provençal.

24. In some dialects, particularly in Rouergue, Limousin, Auvergne, and Dauphiné, a became ạ before a nasal, and at the end of a monosyllable or an oxytone: canem ＞ cạn, grandem ＞ grạnt, cadit ＞ cạ, stat ＞ estạ.

1. The conditions differ somewhat in the various dialects, according as the nasal consonant falls or remains, and is followed by another consonant or not. In Limousin the sound is ą before an n that cannot fall: see § 11, (5). In Rouergue and in Dauphiné, ạ appears before all nasals. The poets generally follow the Limousin usage. See F. Pfützner, Ueber die Aussprache des provenzalischen A, Halle, 1884.