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Setting the Pendulum in Motion

In Washington the new secretary of war, John Armstrong, saw the New Year in by attempting to rejuvenate the American war effort. The military staff was reorganized and a system of “Rules and Regulations” was issued to the corps of officers, outlining their duties and responsibilities. In addition, a new cadre of generals were appointed to spearhead the spring campaign season.

Despite these changes, the public backlash from the disasters of the previous year was already threatening the incumbent pro-war Republican administration in the forthcoming April elections for New York State. Consequently the news of new defeats at Frenchtown in the west and Ogdensburg on the St. Lawrence corridor, put Armstrong under intense pressure to produce a positive electoral response to the administration’s war policies. He therefore implemented an urgent and intensive schedule of shipbuilding at Sackets Harbor, pumping vast sums of money into the local economy and creating an industrial infrastructure with the goal of simultaneously gaining votes and creating a fleet of vessels that would ensure control of Lake Ontario. In addition, he decided that the new campaign would begin with a two-pronged infantry attack against Upper Canada through the Kingston and Niagara corridors. In a letter to General Dearborn, dated February 10, 1813, Armstrong stated that his immediate goal was to have a combined naval and land force of over 4,000 men eliminate the British fleet at Kingston and take control of Lake Ontario. This invasion force would then move on York (now Toronto) to seize the official capital of Upper Canada. At the same time, a second force of over 3,000 troops would be collected at Buffalo with orders to subdue the British defences on that frontier before pressing westward to cut off Proctor and, after linking up with the new forces being assembled for an attack from the west under Major General Harrison, retake the Michigan Territory and the Detroit River.[1]

Commander of the U.S. naval fleet on Lake Ontario, Commodore Isaac Chauncey.

Image from J. L.Thompson, Historical Sketches of the Late War between the United States and Great Britain, 1816.

However, almost as soon as preparations to implement the new strategy began, Commodore Isaac Chauncey proposed changes to the plan. Arguing that Kingston was too heavily defended to be attacked without heavy cost, Chauncey proposed that York (Toronto) be targeted first, followed by an all-out invasion upon the Niagara frontier — but in this alteration he was overruled. Unfortunately, a combination of poor weather conditions, difficulties assembling the necessary supplies, weapons, and troops, and a late spring thaw effectively delayed the planned attack on Kingston until it became impractical, and Chauncey’s plan was hurriedly adopted as the primary alternative.

The assault force began embarking on April 20th, and after three days of intense effort was ready to proceed, only to see the weather worsen. Overruling the advice of his naval commanders, Dearborn ordered the heavily overburdened American fleet to set sail, only to encounter a severe storm that forced the ships to come about and run back to Sackets Harbor for shelter. During the next two days the troops were either forced to endure being locked below decks in cramped unsanitary conditions, or sit exposed on the open decks under a drenching rain and below-normal temperatures. When the weather finally cleared, the fleet sailed on April 25, 1813.*[2] Major General Dearborn held overall command, while under him Commodore Isaac Chauncey led the naval squadron and Brigadier General Zebulon Pike commanded the landing forces.

Commander of the American landing forces at the Battle of York, Brigadier General Zebulon Pike.

Toronto Reference Library, JRR 1148.

As Chauncey had proposed, their destination was York, capital of Upper Canada and the site of a small dockyard that was building a new vessel, the Sir Isaac Brock, for the British flotilla. This ship was scheduled to mount no less than twenty-six 32-pounder short-barrelled carronades as her main broadside armament and two pairs of 18-pounder long guns as bow and stern chasers. As the next largest British vessel, the Royal George, carried only twenty of these carronades, while the largest American vessel then afloat, the Madison, also had twenty-six carronades, the Sir Isaac Brock therefore represented a major threat to the Americans and a valuable prize for the taking. In addition, the Duke of Gloucester and General Hunter were undergoing repairs at York. If these two ships were also captured intact they would greatly augment the American naval powerbase on Lake Ontario.

The Sir Isaac Brock, Owen Staples, artist, date unknown. An impression of the incomplete Sir Isaac Brock on the stocks at the small shipyard at York in 1813. The partially dismantled Duke of Gloucester is in the background. The Brock was the primary target for capture by the invaders, but deliberately burned by the retreating British during the battle to deny the Americans this valuable prize.

The antiquated Cromwell-era cannon used at the battle of York, now on display at the Fort York historic site in Toronto.

Toronto Reference Library, JRR 15211.

Under changing winds and choppy swells, the American fleet arrived within sight of the town on the evening of Monday the 26th — causing the garrison at Fort York to sound the alarm guns as a signal that war was descending on their quiet bayside community.

Fort York, S. Streton, artist, circa 1803. The early fort (1793) with the Government House lies inside the low fence (centre left), while the 1813 fort (that the Americans attacked) lies to the right of the flagstaff. The stone magazine (not shown) was built directly into the lakeside embankment, about where the low fence ends at left.

Library and Archives Canada, C-14822 and C-18803.

Fort York, S. Streton, artist, circa 1804. A view of Fort York as it would have appeared at the time of the attack in April 1813.

Library and Archives Canada, C-14905.

The town of York and its defences in 1813

Unfortunately, the fortifications of Fort York were completely inadequate to the task of fending off an enemy attack. In fact, the fort could be better described as a small supply depot, defended by mediocre blockhouses, loopholed barracks, dilapidated gun batteries, and antiquated artillery pieces (one of which dated back to the period of Oliver Cromwell, some 150 years earlier!). These derelict antiques had previously been condemned and had their trunnions (elevating swivels) cut off to make them unworkable. However, at the onset of war, these substandard weapons had been resurrected for active use and mounted on makeshift carriages using heavy-duty clamps and straps to hold the barrels in place. The only question was, who would be the first to be killed by these guns, the enemy or their crew? In a similar vein, although additional defensive earthworks and a small battery position had been constructed to the west of the main garrison, protecting the official governmental residence, none were complete or fully armed with artillery. Finally, although intended to be already afloat, construction of the Sir Isaac Brock was seriously behind schedule, due to infighting between the senior officials in charge of the project and the either total incompetence or deliberate malfeasance of the dockyard supervisor, Thomas Plunkett.

THE BATTLE OF YORK, APRIL 27, 1813

At dawn on April 27th, the American fleet began their approach toward land. General Sheaffe expected they would make simultaneous landings on both flanks of the fort, and in response had detached a battalion company of the 8th (King’s) Regiment, plus detachments of militia to cover his eastern flank, protect the town, and cover his line of communications and retreat to Kingston. The remainder of his troops he held at the fort until the American intentions became clear.*[3] However, pressed by a strengthening wind, the American fleet was blown well west of its planned landing site, into the wide Humber Bay lying beyond a small headland. As a result, they were well beyond the range of any of the fort’s guns or detached batteries and would be able to land unopposed. There was also the distinct possibility that, by landing near to the Humber River, the Americans might locate the inland trail that led directly from the river crossing to the north side of York, bypassing all of the established defences that faced the lake.*[4] In response, Sheaffe was forced to improvise a new defensive plan. Recalling his eastern detachments, he sent the bulk of his Embodied Militia, backed by the Glengarry Light Infantry, north to cover the inland road. Beyond that, however, the remainder of the detachments were simply ordered to march toward the projected American landing site and engage the enemy, with no planned strategic or tactical coordination, and, more importantly, no artillery support. Unfortunately, as they advanced along the lakeside trail, these detachments soon came under cannon fire from the American fleet. As a result, some units were forced to detour and wend their way along narrower inland footpaths, thus delaying their commitment against the enemy.

Major General R.H. Sheaffe (“Sheef”) in later life. He was fifty years old at the time of the Battle of York. Partially as a result of criticism over his defeat at York, he was later replaced as lieutenant governor of Upper Canada (June 1813), before being eventually recalled to England in August 1813, where he saw out the end of the war.

Library and Archives Canada, C-128832.

As the American landing boats approached the shore, to the west of the ruins of the old French trading post Fort Rouillé, only a party of Native warriors were in place under the cover of the treeline. Opening fire, they inflicted heavy casualties amongst the tightly packed Americans until increasing numbers of Forsyth’s riflemen landed on their flank and forced them to retreat through the woods. At this point, the grenadier company from the 8th (King’s) Regiment arrived at the landing zone and, although already vastly outnumbered, immediately engaged the enemy troops with a tight volley. Replying in kind, the Americans pressed forward, leading to hand-to-hand fighting in the shallows and along the beach. Within the space of a few moments, the “King’s” detachment had lost some forty-six men killed and a further thirty wounded, including their commander, Captain Neal McNeale. Without additional reinforcements, the few surviving defenders began a fighting retreat against the American advance guard, while the succeeding waves of Americans consolidated their bridgehead before commencing their advance toward the British garrison.

Reaching a lakeside clearing at the site of the derelict Fort Rouillé, the Americans came up against the hastily assembled British line, composed of companies of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, the 8th (King’s) Regiment, one company of the newly formed Incorporated Militia, and, as the action continued, the Glengarry Light Infantry, who had left the Embodied Militia positions and marched to the sound of the guns. For over an hour the action fluctuated across the clearing, with both sides pressing to gain an advantage. However, as additional American reinforcements joined the action, the balance of firepower shifted in favour of the Americans. Eventually, without reinforcements and taking increasing numbers of casualties, the defenders were forced to break off and make yet another slow fighting retreat, this time to the Western Battery. Here they expected they would be reinforced by the previously detached Embodied Militia units. However, apart from Captain Jarvie’s company of Incorporated Militia, which had already taken casualties in the fighting at Fort Rouillé, no additional help was forthcoming. Once the Americans came within range, the troops that had crowded inside the Western Battery opened fire and another heavy exchange of shooting began. However, moments later, the accidental explosive ignition of some exposed artillery ammunition wrecked the guns, killing or injuring over thirty individuals and, despite some immediate efforts to bring it back into action, effectively rendered the position untenable. The only remaining line of defence was the incomplete earthen wall and dilapidated wooden stockade of Fort York. However, to counter this possibility the American fleet moved up directly south of the stockade and began firing, systematically demolishing everything in sight and making exposed movement by the defenders impossible. General Sheaffe, realizing the day was lost, ordered a general retreat toward the town by his remaining regular troops. Determined to deny the Americans the contents of the fort’s sturdy stone ammunition magazine, which by one estimate contained over 30,000 pounds of powder and explosive shells, General Sheaffe ordered the magazine’s deliberate detonation. Built into the lakeside embankment, directly below the Government House, this storehouse was partially buried under a mound of earth and heavy timbers, with only its open front face being left exposed. It was also directly south of the shallow stream bed, located just on the north side of the fort, that had been detailed for the assembly of the Canadian militia units at the onset of the battle. With the retreat and explosion at the Western Battery several detachments of the militia, including those of the Incorporated Militia, had gone back to their original assembly point to reform their units and look for further orders. Unfortunately, Sheaffe neglected to send any orders or notification to this militia location. As a result, the unsuspecting militiamen were left behind, only a matter of two hundred yards (183 meters) from the impending detonation.

Meanwhile, considering the day as won, General Pike was marshalling his troops into a column upon the open ground to the southwest of the fort and in clear view of the exposed front face of the fort’s magazine. Expecting Sheaffe would make a formal surrender, as the royal standard still flew over the Government House, Pike and his men relaxed in their assured victory. Suddenly, the earth quaked and a gigantic smoky fireball erupted into the afternoon air, carrying with it masses of stone, metal, and timber from the exploded magazine and its contents, as well as pieces of bedrock from the surrounding ground. Channelled and focused by the fort’s earthen ramparts toward the exposed front of the magazine, the initial concussion of the blast wave swept over the open ground to the west of the fort, literally blowing the American troops off their feet and onto the ground, rupturing eardrums, and invisibly inflicting severe internal injuries upon many of the troops. Seconds later large chunks of the debris began to crash to earth amongst the exposed American troops, causing additional havoc in the previously regimented columns. Over 250 men were immediately killed or subsequently died from the effects of this blast, including General Pike, who was struck by a large stone fragment and died shortly thereafter. Even aboard the American fleet offshore the explosion caused damage and casualties as debris flew over 500 yards (457 meters) from the point of detonation. Interestingly, although significantly closer to the source of the explosion, the forgotten Canadian militiamen were partially protected by the fort’s earthworks and the gully of the stream bed in which they stood. As a result, they suffered fewer numbers of injured from the direct blast, but did incur several casualties as a result of the subsequent falling debris.*[5]

Expecting a British counterattack, the deputy American commander, Colonel Cromwell Pearce, only rallied his shocked troops with some difficulty. But Sheaffe failed to take advantage of the moment and continued his retreat toward the town, burning the Sir Isaac Brock on the stocks, as well as warehouses containing a quantity of valuable naval supplies destined for General Proctor on the Detroit frontier. Sheaffe then continued his retreat through the town and out onto the Kingston Road. Even the arrival of additional reinforcements (the Light company of the 8th [King’s] Regiment) failed to persuade Sheaffe to make a further stand and it was left to Lieutenant Colonel William Chewett and Major William Allen of the 3rd York Embodied Militia, accompanied by the local firebrand clergyman, Reverend John Strachan, to treat with the Americans for the terms of surrender. Frustrated in their attempts to lay hands on the Sir Isaac Brock and having suffered so severely from the explosion, the Americans dealt harshly with the Canadian negotiators and imposed strong terms for the surrender of the town.

The stone magazine at Historic Fort York, built in 1813/1814 to replace the exploded magazine. While the previous building was partially buried into the lakeside embankment, this structure is of a similar size, design, and construction to the one destroyed at the battle.

The only available image (from 1913) of the Royal Standard captured by the Americans at York in 1813 and still in their hands as of 2012.

Image courtesy of the U.S. Naval Academy Museum, Annapolis, MD.

During the next few days, the Americans, abetted by local pro-American sympathizers, emptied the military storehouses and major private warehouses around the town and, despite previous official American assurances, also looted private homes. In addition, the main government and public buildings were ransacked and burned, including the Upper Canada Parliament, inciting Strachan to call upon Dearborn for better treatment and compliance with the terms of the surrender. Eventually, on May 2nd, the American forces began to re-embark on their augmented fleet, taking the Duke of Gloucester was as a prize, while the General Hunter, deemed unfit for sea, was burned.

At dawn on June 2nd, Commodore Chauncey and General Dearborn both set sail for Fort Niagara, but by noon a return of storms and adverse winds trapped the remaining vessels of the American fleet at York, their holds and decks jammed with captured goods, wounded, and seasick troops. Once again the men had to suffer the miseries of waiting until the weather cleared on the 8th, when they finally set sail for the Niagara frontier. Behind them, the traumatized and angry citizens of York began to reclaim their lives, while condemning Sheaffe for abandoning them at their moment of crisis.

The Parliamentary mace, the symbol of royal authority, captured by the Americans in 1813 and eventually returned to Canadian hands in 1934.

Image courtesy of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario.

A later impression of the Upper Canada Parliament Buildings, burnt by the Americans in April 1813.

Toronto Reference Library, JRR 1084.

From a political point of view, the Americans had finally scored a legitimate victory, although at a heavy human cost. Strategically, they had gained the upper hand in the season’s campaigning. Sheaffe had retreated to Kingston and, fearing a further American attack, had begun fortifying the waterfront of the town and constructing a new fort on the hilltop at Point Henry, overlooking the town and harbour. He was unable to transport any reinforcements or supplies directly to the Niagara or Detroit frontiers. On the other hand, although General Dearborn was free to manoeuvre at will, once his troops arrived at Fort Niagara they found that although Dearborn had been there for nearly a week, almost nothing had been done to prepare any accommodations or food for their arrival. Exhausted and sickly, Dearborn’s disgruntled troops were left with no option but to set-to to build their camps and begin the process of preparing for the planned invasion of the Niagara frontier.

York, Upper Canada, E. Hale, artist, circa 1804. The quiet bayside community of York, prior to the war. The Upper Canada Parliament Buildings and town blockhouse are visible in the distance (right). Note the proximity of the uncleared forest, dominating man’s attempt at settlement during this period.

Library and Archives Canada, C-34334.