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Introduction

1. The Javanese Language

Javanese is the language of the island of Java, located in Southeast Asia within the Republic of Indonesia. It is a member of the Austronesian family of languages, and is thus closely related to, but distinct from, the other languages of its region. It is spoken mainly in the provinces of Central and East Java, including the Special Area of Yogyakarta; its immediate neighbours are Sundanese (spoken in West Java), Madurese (spoken on the island of Madura and adjacent parts of East Java), and Balinese (spoken in Bali and western Lombok).

The exact number of speakers of Javanese is unknown, as census data are not broken down by language, but it is estimated that up to half of the total population of Indonesia are Javanese-speaking; if this is so, then there may be 100 million speakers. In this connection, it should be noted that Javanese is not restricted to the regions mentioned, because the Javanese have moved into many other areas, and have taken their language with them. Historically, the sultanates of Cirebon and Banten (founded in the 16th century and located in West Java) were Javanese, and the process of transmigration in the 20th century has brought Javanese into Lampung in southern Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi and other islands. Furthermore, a large proportion of the present population of the capital, Jakarta, is of Javanese origin. Hence, as well as being an Indonesian regional language in the strict sense, Javanese can also be called an ethnic language, that is, one spoken by and defining the ethnic group of the Javanese. For the sake of completeness, one should also note that there has been a Javanese-speaking group in Surinam in South America for more than a century, as well as a smaller one in New Caledonia.

The above description of Javanese will help to define its relation to Indonesian, the national language of Indonesia. Indonesian is a variety of Malay, another important member of the Austronesian language family, originating from the western part of the Indonesian Archipelago. In its function of national language, Indonesian is taught and used over the entire territory of Indonesia. This means that those whose mother tongue is Javanese will also (in greater or smaller measure) become familiar with it and use it, thereby creating a significant interface between the two—in essence the same as that between any other regional-ethnic language and Indonesian, except that Javanese does tend to exert a rather strong influence on Indonesian. There is a mutual influence between the Javanese and Indonesian languages, which deserves further study.

Apart from the sheer weight of numbers, there are social and historical reasons for the dominance of Javanese. These relate to the position of the Javanese in the archipelago over many centuries. An example is the "borrowing" of the system of language levels by the neighbouring languages, Sundanese, Madurese, Sasak (in Lombok) and Balinese. History tells us of a high degree of political and cultural development on the part of the successive kingdoms of Java. The descendants of Javanese royalty are still to be found in four courts in Central Java, namely the Kasunanan and Mangkunegaran in Surakarta (Solo), and the Kasultanan and Pakualaman in Yogyakarta. It is these courts that carry prestige for many Javanese in cultural and social matters. However, there are two more courts, the Kasepuhan and Kanoman in Cirebon, as well as historical traditions of yet another in Blambangan at the extreme eastern end of the island opposite Bali, and finally two more in Madura, at Sumenep and Bangkalan.

Having mentioned courts, however, it is by no means true that at the present time the Javanese language of Surakarta and Yogyakarta is accepted by all Javanese as standard or the most prestigious variety. There exist many regional variants, best termed dialects, as well as socially determined variants across the regions. Roughly speaking, the dialects correspond to former Residencies, broad geographical areas sharing the same cultural and social traditions. However, there also exist variations on a smaller scale, in some cases even down to the village level, which are of interest. Unfortunately, there has never been a complete dialectological description of Javanese.

Javanese is the language of everyday communication for those who call themselves Javanese, or who have been brought up within this speech community It is used for all the functions for which Indonesian is not required or appropriate. Javanese is famous for possessing a system of language levels. It is definitely not the case that it is two languages in one, as some like to assert. Our approach here is that there is one basic "level" of Javanese, termed Ngoko, which is the one that is used when talking to oneself or to intimates. The other main level, termed Krama, is a "ceremonial" variant on this, whereby a number of high-frequency Ngoko words have Krama equivalents, and its use corresponds to speech situations calling for respect, including not only hierarchical differences but also social distance. This is a clear example of how language responds to and expresses the structure of society. The system of language levels found in Javanese is not unique, and that of Balinese is perhaps equally elaborate, also reflecting its social differences.

Having its basis in the nature of social relations, it is true to say that the use of language levels is not optional—one cannot choose to use just one or another. But the correct use of the levels, that is, the selection of the proper variant, does depend on a feeling for the relations that exist within a given speech-situation. To complete the picture, we should add that there is another level, called Madya, which represents a sort of compromise between Ngoko and Krama. Together, Krama and Madya are often termed simply "Basa" by native speakers. The norms for the use of Basa vary between urban and rural settings, and in practice there is no watertight division between the levels, but instead a continuum, or range of choices, the mixture varying according to the speaker's perception of the needs of the moment. Some Javanese scholars have developed technical terms for the different mixes, but we are not concerned with these here, except to point out that Krama Inggil ("High Krama") and Krama Andhap ("Low Krama") are in fact not language levels at all, but restricted honorific and humble vocabularies respectively, which as such can be fitted into whatever level is being used, be it Ngoko or Krama. Krama Inggil expresses respect for the person being addressed or spoken about, and hence can never be used of oneself, and Krama Andhap on the other hand can be used only of oneself, as it expresses humbleness.

Alongside its use for everyday communication, Javanese has another dimension, which can be called "literary", covering not only written literature but also forms of theatrical performance. A description of Javanese without reference to this would be incomplete. Literary forms are to be found in the vast poetical literature of the 19th century, for example, and these in their turn have their roots even further back in time, dating from the Hindu-Buddhist period of Java's history when the earliest literature arose. For the sake of clarity, one should mention that the term Old Javanese is used only for this ancient literature, written from the 9th up to the 15th century in Java, and continued and preserved in its purest form in (Hindu) Bali. The literature produced after the coming of Islam in Java in the 16th century is all termed Modern Javanese by Javanists. The term Kawi, as used in Java (as opposed to Bali), refers to classical Modern Javanese, as found in premodern poetical works. Such archaic forms are found in spoken Javanese only in rare, stereotyped expressions. The language of the wayang performance is not just one style or idiom, but ranges from the everyday often coarse, language appropriate to the popular dialogues of the clown-servant figures to its passages of description, audience scenes, and poetical interludes. Suffice it to say that the language used by the performer (dhalang) is not Old Javanese, with the exception of the suluk (stanzas used to create mood), although there do exist turns of phrase specific to the wayang, and the dhalang must also master the use of the special language of the court (Basa Kedhaton).

Further, Javanese possesses a modern literature, which arose in the 20th century, expressed in the forms of the novel (roman), free verse (geguritan) and short story (cerita cekak). This literature runs parallel to modern Indonesian literature, and is similar to that in its personal expression and realism. The earliest examples were written in Krama, but all recent Javanese literature is in Ngoko. At present little is being printed in Javanese, the main vehicles being periodicals.

Finally, one should not omit to mention that Javanese has its own writing-system, which derives ultimately from the Pallava script of early South India. This was adapted for writing Javanese. Palm leaves (lontar) were used as material, the letters being engraved with a sharp knife; this method is still used in Bali for creating manuscripts. (Balinese script is closely related to Javanese.) Later, European paper came to be used, and this is the main material found in the thousands of Javanese manuscripts kept in libraries in Indonesia and overseas. The Javanese script is still known in Java, being taught in schools, but is little used in practice. There is a printed form of the letters which was used in the colonial period for Javanese-language publications, but gradually its place was usurped by the Roman script. Javanese script embodies part of the Javanese cultural heritage, and it carries overtones of the power of the written word that Roman script does not. The written word, and all traditional forms of literature, were regarded as serious subjects, and hence appropriate for conveying messages of a didactic or edifying nature, alongside quite mundane uses. A knowledge of the script is recommended for those who need to read original historical or literary sources dating from the pre-modern period, not to mention the two-volume dictionary of Gericke and Roorda of 1901.

The study of Javanese by Europeans did not begin until the 19 th century Prior to this, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) conducted its contacts with native rulers through Malay. Credit for the first scholarly interest in Java must go to Thomas Stamford Raffles, who was Lieutenant-Governor of Java during the British Interregnum (1811-16). The results of his investigations are to be found in his two-volume History of Java (1817, second edn 1830), and these include the first exploration of Javanese language and literature, to which more than 100 pages are devoted.

Following the end of the Java War and the beginning of the colonial period proper in 1830, there was a growing awareness on the part of the authorities of the usefulness of a knowledge of Javanese language and customs, leading to the inclusion in 1842 of Javanese alongside Malay in the training of aspirant civil servants at Delft in The Netherlands. This tradition has been continued by a line of professors of Javanese at the University of Leiden down to the present day. In this sense it can be seen that the study of Javanese was a product of the colonial relationship, and it is understandable that it was a Dutch monopoly at that time. Considerable advances were made, due to the efforts of Dutch scholars who devoted themselves to the study of Javanese, often deeply impressed by the sophistication of the traditions which they found preserved among the literate classes in the Principalities, i.e. the court-cities of Central Java. It would not be until after the departure of the Dutch in 1949 that Javanese would receive much attention from the international community, fortunately coupled with a gradually growing awareness of the inestimable value of the collections assiduously assembled by earlier generations in Leiden.

2. Existing Dictionaries of Javanese

It may not be unfair to say that the lexicography of Javanese has had a somewhat chequered career. It represents a long series of attempts to explore the Javanese language and make it accessible, primarily to non-Javanese students, with varying degrees of success. A short account of earlier publications may serve to illustrate this point.

The first dictionary of Javanese, the Algemeen Nederduitsch en Javaansch Woordenboek (General Dutch and Javanese Dictionary), was published by P.P. Roorda van Eysinga (using Roman characters) in 1835. Although this work was clear and practical, it is normally ignored, and was apparently not used by others.

The second in line was the Javaansch-Nederduitsch Woordenboek (Javanese-Dutch Dictionary) compiled by J.EC. Gericke and published by T. Roorda in Amsterdam in 1847.

Next came the Dictionnaire Javanais-Francais (Javanese-French Dictionary) of EAbbe P. Favre, published in Paris in 1870—also completely forgotten by later scholars.

As the next step, the Javaansch-Nederduitsch Handwoordenboek (Concise Javanese-Dutch Dictionary) of 1875 was a new version of Gericke and Roorda's dictionary, prepared by A.C. Vreede. This incorporated an unpublished dictionary compiled by C.E Winter and J.A. Wilkens, not to mention additional materials published by P. Jansz in Semarang in 1869 and 1871.

An "expanded and improved" version of this was published by A.C. Vreede in Amsterdam in 1886, and finally in 1901 the Javaansch-Nederlandsch Handwoordenboek (Concise Javanese-Dutch Dictionary), now in two volumes and of course still in Javanese script.

So it can be seen how many tributaries have swollen this stream, and how much effort was devoted by scholars, in both The Netherlands and Java, to collecting data and processing it, in order to produce what has been regarded as the great dictionary of Javanese, generally known as Gericke-Roorda or GR (1901).

Meanwhile, P. Jansz had produced a dictionary, the Practisch Javaansch-Nederlandsch Woordenboek (Practical Javanese-Dutch Dictionary) in romanisation in 1876, with a second edition in 1913 and a third in 1932. For some reason, this dictionary was viewed with disdain by Leiden scholars, despite its very real merits of clarity and practicality.

Before long a need was again felt to expand and to produce a new edition of Gericke-Roorda, and the task was given to the Leiden philologist Th. Pigeaud, who began work in 1926 in Surakarta and later in Yogyakarta. After years of work, an end was apparently not in sight, so instead Pigeaud published what he called the "index" to the big dictionary, in the form of a concise or "hand" dictionary, which appeared in 1938 as the Javaans-Nederlands Handwoordenboek (Concise Javanese-Dutch Dictionary), used by generations of students at Leiden University down to the present day, and reprinted in Leiden in 1970, 1982 and 1989 by the Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology.

One assumes that Pigeaud's work was halted, or delayed, by the arrival of the Japanese in Java in 1942. After World War II he was repatriated to Holland and never returned to Indonesia or sought to continue his work on the dictionary. It used to be said that the materials had been destroyed, but in fact they were preserved and kept for some time in Jakarta, before being returned to Yogyakarta, where they are now, complete, in the office of the Balai Penelitian Bahasa in Kotabaru. In response to several questions as to whether it might not be a good idea to publish them as they stand, given Pigeaud's reputation as a Javanist, on two occasions the materials were inspected: they consist of large cards kept in stout wooden boxes covering a whole wall. But the cards contain nothing but handwritten selections from sources (indicated by symbols only traceable through some long-lost key), arranged one below the other, but without any attempt at translation. In short, these materials are unusable, and the efforts of Pigeaud's team of clerks, and himself, over the years were largely wasted.

The concise "Pigeaud" of 1938 has a number of drawbacks, the main one relating to the arrangement of entries. These are given under derived forms, so that a verb, for example, will be found under both active and passive forms. Furthermore, the definitions are deliberately highly concise, and this does not promote clarity; the non-native speaker of Dutch often has such difficulty with Pigeaud's precious use of Dutch as to be little the wiser—there are even many words there that are not to be found in Van Dale's modern Dutch-English dictionary.

At this point we must not omit to mention the lexicographical work of WJ.S. Poerwadarminta, of which the Baoesastra Djawa of 1939 is best known. This is a Javanese-Javanese dictionary, in which the all-pervading influence of Pigeaud in that period can be detected: the very title-page states: "ingkang kangge antjer-antjer serat baoesastra Djawi-Wlandi karanganipoen Dr. Th. Pigeaud ing Ngajogjakarta" ("what served as guide was the Javanese-Dutch dictionary compiled by Dr Th. Pigeaud in Yogyakarta"), showing that it is in fact largely based on Pigeaud. This was followed by an abbreviated version, the Katrangan Tegesing Temboeng-Temboeng (Baoesastra Tjilik), published in 1940. For a fuller account of the history of Javanese lexicography one can consult E.M. Uhlenbeck's The Languages of Java and Madura (1964).

With Indonesian independence and the internationalisation of the study of Indonesia, the prewar Dutch monopoly of Javanese studies was gradually broken, and non-Dutch students felt the need for a Javanese-English dictionary. The first Javanese-English dictionary was compiled by E. Home at Yale University and published in 1974 (Javanese-English Dictionary). She acknowledges a debt to Pigeaud and Poerwadarminta, but also used fresh materials in the form of post­war publications from Java and had the help a number of informants who happened to be in the USA at that time. The grammatical insights of Home are a huge advance on Pigeaud, and her dictionary has the advantages of clear setting-out and the inclusion of examples which are helpful for illustrating meanings. The spelling is of course the pre-1974 one, and a shortcoming is the failure to distinguish homonyms. But in all humility it has to be said that its main drawback is the fact that a large proportion of the definitions are wrong, based on both misunderstandings of the earlier dictionaries and informants' explanations, and a lack of familiarity with the realities of Javanese life and culture.

One has also to mention the existence of a Ramus Jawa-Indonesia published by L. Mardiwarsito (1985), and more especially S. Prawiroatmojo's Bausastra Jawa-Indonesia of 1957 and 1981 in two volumes. Furthermore, one should acknowledge the (unpublished) work of B. Karno Ekowardono and Daliman Edi Subroto, Kamus Bahasa Jawa-Indonesia, compiled as an academic exercise in lexicography with Professor A. Teeuw as consultant in 1975. Next there is a Kamus Jawa-Indonesia in two volumes produced by a team headed by Sri Nardiati at the Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa, Jakarta, dated 1991/1992 and in a stencilled form.

Finally, the Djawanisch-Deutsch Worterbuch (Javanese-German Dictionary) published by Hans Herrfuerth in Leipzig in 1972 should also be listed. I do not know of dictionaries of Javanese in any other languages.

3. The Lexicography of Javanese: Some Issues

The lexicon of Javanese is undoubtedly vast. It has never been exhaustively recorded. The reliability of the older materials can no longer be checked, and there is little in the way of published sources for contemporary Javanese. In order to be reasonably complete in coverage, a large team would be required, with a big budget and the patience to put in years of painstaking work. This is only a dream, but dreams sometimes lead to a new initiative.

Experience has shown that defining the meanings of Javanese words is like aiming at a moving target. A comparison of definitions from two existing dictionaries, say Pigeaud and Jansz, seems to highlight this problem, because often the meanings given apparently differ, either in emphasis or totally, or the word is missing in one but present in the other. What is going on here? Is this the same language? Was one lexicographer right and the other wrong?

I prefer to believe that they were equally competent, but had an unavoidably limited view of the whole picture. The first factor to be noted is a relatively weakly developed notion of a standard language (compared with English, for example). In the prewar period, it was claimed, for example by Pigeaud, that the idiom of Surakarta was standard, and thus all else was dubbed gw (gewestelijk = regional); Jansz may not have been equally convinced of the validity of such claims, or he may have used a different network of informants. In particular for items which do not occur in written sources, one is dependent on informants, who report only that part of the meaning of an item they are familiar with and use regularly. Informants from Central Java, for instance, when confronted with an unfamiliar word, have a tendency to say, "Oh, that's East Javanese dialect!". It may or may not be; after all, they are not in a position to go and check.

So the first complication to be noted is regional variation, the "dialect" factor. This may well explain why different meanings are attributed to the same form: both are right, but used by different people. But are we really looking at the same word, or at homonyms? One has to make a choice here, and if there is no apparent link (semantically or historically), then they are probably separate words. While it is relatively easy to identify a generally accepted ("standard") form, the rest have to be given the blanket term reg (regional = dialect), although so far we have no way of telling to which dialect or sociolect the word belongs—obviously a highly unsatisfactory state of affairs.

The second complication is change through time. As we know, every language is changing, and this applies also to Javanese. There are shifts in meaning, including new meanings added to old ones, there are words which have dropped out of use, and there is the possibility of new words being added. These are interesting questions that need to be considered.

When a new meaning has been added, this may represent a genuine extension of the old meaning, or perhaps one that already existed but was missed by older dictionaries. In either case, we should attempt to arrange the meanings as a succession from a basic, literal or physical one to extended, figurative ones. When a word appears to have dropped out of current use, we still have to be cautious, as some listed by Pigeaud as vo (verouderd = obsolete) have turned out to be in regular use in the countryside and not obsolete at all. Seemingly obsolete words do need to be listed, on the assumption that they may occur in older published sources, even if people no longer use them in daily speech.

This is in turn connected with the huge changes that have taken place in Javanese culture during the past 100 years: all sorts of objects and customs that were once well known, both in the countryside and at court, have now disappeared. And yet one still has to be careful in case they survive in some isolated spot after all. In any case their historical value is undoubted. For example, much of what is provided in L. Th. Mayer's Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven (A Glimpse into the Life of the Javanese), dating from 1897 and replete with terminology and sketches, is no longer generally known, but as a record it does have considerable interest.

Completely new words do not seem to occur very often in Javanese, probably because the innovation accompanying modernisation and the development of language to meet the needs of technology, politics and government have been concentrated on Indonesian as national language. The speaker of Javanese switches to Indonesian vocabulary in order to express such things. It may be more correct to say that the Indonesian term is borrowed and becomes Javanese, even though the phonological rules of Javanese do not (yet?) apply. In any case, where the term is normal Indonesian and is to be found in the Indonesian dictionaries, we have not done double work and listed them as Javanese as well. The reader is referred to the Indonesian dictionaries, in the hope that no misunderstandings will occur, as it can safely be assumed that the majority of students of Javanese will also have studied Indonesian, and will be aware of the difference between the two languages.

A third, less tangible, aspect of the "moving target" is what may be called "individual variation". This occurs at the opposite end of the spectrum from formal, standard or fixed written forms, that is, the kind of speech in which people give expression to their emotions in a spontaneous and lively way. Their attitude to the language seems to be one of a good friend, someone we can make jokes with, without fear of causing offence. The variation occurring here involves changing the shape of a common word, in such a way as to convey some heightened feeling. The basic lexical meaning remains the same, but the word gains an added nuance by virtue of the variation.

There are three kinds of variation to be distinguished here. The first is the intensive, where a change in sound conveys an intensification of the meaning. This is restricted to spoken Javanese, and to Ngoko. The second is harder to define; it appears to heighten the familiar or jocular quality of the word, and the selection of variants here is very much a matter of individual choice within the idiosyncratic style of each person. An extension of this is the situation where speakers create playful variants on existing words as a kind of game—they feel free to change the sound in order to imply another meaning, often humorous or suggestive. Words of this third type are unlikely to find general currency or become incorporated into the lexicon of Javanese, although the factor of creativity must never be underestimated in linguistic innovation. The whole area of ephemeral slang and secret in-group codes is not touched upon here, due to a lack of data.

Finally, in order to be complete one should include the description of those items which speakers feel to be crude and would not use in polite society Javanese has its fair share of these, and a number have been included here, as they represent an essential, intimate, part of the lexicon, although speakers may disagree about the degree of acceptability of such words.

4. This Dictionary

Having lived in Yogyakarta in 1972-3 (as assistant to Professor P.J. Zoetmulder, working on his Old Javanese dictionary), and again for shortish periods in 1983 and 1985 in Muntilan and Sleman (under the Indonesian Studies Program of Leiden University), I had felt a certain measure of frustration trying to work with the existing dictionaries, because of their various shortcomings, alluded to above. At the same time, experience in the field showed what a difficult subject of study the Javanese language is. Again and again words were not to be found: sometimes apparently very common, simple ones, and sometimes terms pertaining to the realities of everyday life in the countryside. There is no doubt that there is a long way to go before our coverage is even moderately complete. Well aware, then, of the dangers, I had toyed with the idea of a concise dictionary of Modern Javanese that might replace Pigeaud and Home, for the benefit of foreign students of the language.

After departure from the University of Leiden early in 1991 and a hurried application for funding to the Australian Research Council, the die was cast when, unbelievably, the project was funded. This made it possible to recruit a native-speaker, Drs Singgih Wibisono, as full-time Research Associate, freed from his position at the University of Indonesia in Jakarta for a three-year period to work at Monash University on compiling a Javanese-English dictionary.

The aim of the project was very modest—it had to be, given that the team consisted of only two, and the funding would last only three years. The aim was to compare the existing dictionaries, and on this basis to combine data and compile a new one. At the same time, bearing in mind the limited scope, certain rare or very specialised items would be dropped, and replaced with a small number of new items, drawn from the authors' own experience of the language. The intention was consciously to do justice to the cultural content of words, in particular drawing on Singgih Wibisono's insider knowledge of wayang and dance. There was, however, no attempt to analyse fresh materials in a systematic way, and the computer was used only for word-processing. To be specific, the sources were the dictionaries of Pigeaud, Poerwadarminta and Home, supplemented with Gericke-Roorda and Jansz. We acknowledge our debt to these predecessors, without whom it would have been impossible to come as far as this.

Scope

This dictionary does not intend or pretend to be complete. In order to be reasonably complete, much more research, both in written sources and in the field, would be needed, but then the result would be huge. So we beg the reader's indulgence if a particular word or shade of meaning is not listed.

On the other hand, some words are likely to be found that are unfamiliar to some native speakers, perhaps because they are taken from a certain dialect or are now obsolete. We may even have erred on the generous side, out of an interest in the historical, bearing in mind the developments that have occurred over time. For comparison with earlier phases of the Javanese language, readers are invited to consult P.J. Zoetmulder's OldJavanese-English Dictionary of 1982, which covers both Old and Middle Javanese and is based on a wide range of sources, with examples from them arranged chronologically for convenience.

This dictionary aims firstly to be moderately complete for contemporary Javanese in order to include vocabulary needed for communication and for using published materials. The choice of items for inclusion does contain a subjective element, but has been guided by a native speaker's feeling for what is useful. The dictionary lists a large number of items marked as reg; these are words which are felt to be non-standard, in the sense of being either restricted to a particular area (dialectal) or to a certain social group (sociolectal) The dictionary aims secondly to take account of a time dimension, in that it contains items which are possibly no longer current in spoken Javanese. No mark has been given to these, in view of the difficulty of identifying them, as mentioned above. However, words which are unlikely to be found in the spoken language but are important for literary sources are marked with the sign lit.

It goes without saying that each language level is represented. The marks kr (Krama) and h.i. (Krama Inggil) are only provided when these forms differ from Ngoko. In other words, if there is no indication the word is common to all levels. Where both Ngoko and Krama forms exist, the full description is given under the Ngoko, and only a concise one under the Krama, so that the reader should also refer to the Ngoko.

There has been no attempt to provide etymologies for loanwords, despite the special interest of this subject, due to a lack of research, and it has not been possible to include example sentences, due to a lack of space. One hopes that the definitions will be clear enough to speak for themselves.

The present dictionary will be found to rely heavily on both Pigeaud and Home, but will contain a little more than either of these, although there are also words from both that have been deliberately omitted as being unnecessary for the non-specialist user.

The greatest challenge has been to provide meanings in clear English that come as close as possible to covering the areas of meaning of the Javanese words. In this respect it is hoped that this dictionary constitutes an advance on both Pigeaud and Home. It was felt particularly important to be accurate with items that have a special cultural content, e.g. beliefs, the arts, or religion. With other items it was not possible, for reasons of space, to go into much detail, for example with the names of plants; for the Latin names, the reader should consult E S.A. de Clerq's Nieuw Planthundig Woordenboek voor Nederlandsch Indie (New Botanical Dictionary for the Netherlands Indies) of 1909. For fields such as animals, including insects, no source was available to us, while John MacKinnon's Field Guide to the Birds of Java and Bali (1988) was useless, as it gives the Latin, English and Indonesian names for the birds, but not the Javanese and Balinese—surely the most relevant ones for the people concerned!

5. Arrangement

Homonyms are indicated with roman numerals: e.g. I, II, III.

Items are listed under their base-word, not their derived forms. Javanese has an interesting morphology, whereby a range of derived forms can exist based on one base-word. It is useful to be able to compare these under one heading.

This means that in such cases the user has to be able to "deconstruct" a derived form, in order to find it. This applies mainly to the verbal system, but also to a lesser extent to some nouns and adjectives. The commonest difficulty occurs with nasalised forms, and sometimes it has not been possible to decide which form is the real base-word; in such instances a cross-reference will assist.

It will not be necessary to give a full account of Javanese grammar here, as students of Javanese will already be familiar with it. The following descriptions can be used for reference in conjunction with the dictionary:

Horne, E.C.: Javanese-English Dictionary. 1974, pp. xix-xxvii.

Robson, Stuart: Javanese Grammar for Students. Monash Papers on Southeast Asia No. 26, 1992.

Sudaryanto (ed.): Tata Bahasa Baku Bahasa jawa. Duta Wacana U.P. 1991.

Suharno, Ignatius: A Descriptive Study of Javanese. Pacific Linguistics Series D No. 45. 1982.

Below are some notes which will help to clarify the arrangement of forms, and the meanings associated with them.

Verbs

Some verbs have a simple form, but many feature nasalisation, i.e. a nasal sound in initial position, often in combination with a suffix. The rules for formation are:

Initial letter	Form of nasal	Example
any vowel	ng-	aku - ngaku
p	replaced by m	pinggir - minggir
b	m- prefixed	bali - mbalèni
t	replaced by n-	tengen - nengen
d	n- prefixed	dangu - ndangu
th	replaced by n-	thuthuk - nuthuk
dh	n- prefixed	dhalang - ndhalang
c	replaced by ny-	cantrik - nyantrik
j	n- prefixed	jaluk - njaluk
k	replaced by ng-	kiwa - ngiwa
g	ng- prefixed	gawa - nggawa
r	ng- prefixed	ragad - ngragadi
l	ng- prefixed	lair - nglairaké
s	replaced by ny- or n-	silih - nyilih
w	replaced by m-	weruh - meruhi
n	no change	nastiti - nastitèkaké
m	no change	masalah - masalahaké
ng	no change	ngéné - ngénèkaké

Notes:

1. In the case of initial vowels and n-, m- and ng-, there will be ambiguity regarding the possible base-word, so the user may have to look in two places in order to find the correct form.

2. There are some irregularities in the application of these rules, for example with monosyllabic base-words, which often are extended with an initial e-.

3. There are a number of words beginning with nga- or nge- for which a base-word beginning with a-, ka- or ke- is not clearly indicated, especially with intransitive verbs (that is, verbs without a corresponding passive form, in which the base-word can be seen). In such cases it is best to look under ng-, where a cross-reference (if necessary) will be found. In a few instances, the base-word itself begins with an initial ng-.

Function:

1. A nasalised form may be either intransitive or transitive. If the latter, then it is always active. Passive forms are never nasalised, but have their own forms which are predictable and therefore not listed. Example:

active njupuk to take (takes, took, etc.)

passive dijupuk taken; tak jupuk taken by me; kok jupuk taken by you.

2. In combination with suffixes, the nasalised form is again active, but with a range of possible extra meanings.

Suffix -i

If this form exists, its specific meaning is not completely predictable and is therefore defined. Many have a locative meaning, some are causative, and all but a small group are transitive. For rules of formation, refer to a grammar.

Suffix -ake (Krama -aken)

Where this form exists, the specific meaning is not completely predictable, and is therefore defined. Some are causative, occasionally benefactive, and all but a small group are transitive. For rules of formation, refer to a grammar.

The passive forms of these verbs are predictable. Similarly the imperatives, irrealis and propositives, which are therefore not listed.

Two special verbal categories

These forms serve to modify a verb in a particular way, in order to provide another element of meaning.

pating:

A word listed in combination with pating conveys the meaning of a state or action characterised by "plurality" (otherwise marked with pl), suggesting that a number of actors are present or that the action is carried out in a dispersed way (all over the place, everywhere).

mak: The mark repr indicates that the word listed is preceded by mak in order to suggest that the sound, action or feeling occurs in a sudden or unexpected way. These expressions contain a "representative" or onomatopoeic element, and Javanese is especially rich in them.

Adjectives

Alongside the usual form of an adjective, there also exists a derived form using the prefix ke- and suffix -en in combination to convey an "excessive" meaning, e.g. from dawa (long), kedawan (too long). As these are predictable they are generally not listed separately. For rules of formation, please refer to a grammar.

Words belonging to more than one grammatical category

It sometimes happens that the one form belongs to more than one category (part of speech), and hence can function quite differently in a sentence. These separate meanings are carefully distinguished in the dictionary. A simple example is:

kembang 1. flower; 2. to flower.

In order to clarify this distinction, all verbs are listed in their infinitive form in English, viz. "to...".

The prefixes a- and ma-, which occur with words in some literary sources and are archaic, have been deliberately omitted from this dictionary.

Spelling

The spelling used for Javanese is the one officially accepted in Indonesia, with the exception that we use two simple diacritical marks, namely e and e, as these are considered essential to distinguish these two sounds from the mute e or schwa (without mark; in Javanese called pepet).

The current spelling is thus different from the one used in Home's dictionary, which was published before the new system was introduced. Users should note in particular the spellings th and dh (instead of the earlier t and d with a dot below), representing the retroflex stops, unvoiced and voiced respectively, which must be clearly distinguished from t and d, the unvoiced and voiced dental stops.

The letter k represents both the guttural and glottal stops. The letter q is not used for the latter. In some positions, the glottal stop is not customarily written at all, e.g. saiki [sa'iki], 'now'.

In the antepenultimate syllable of Javanese words, the vowel tends to be weakened, so that for example an a is pronounced as e; for the purposes of the dictionary, however, in such cases the spelling with a is kept.

Similarly, with the prefixes ka-/ke-, pa-/pe-, and sa-/se- (where these spellings are equivalent), the forms ka-, pa- and sa- have been preferred, but readers should also check under the alternative.

In the case of the final consonants -t and -d, and -p and -b, it was observed that there is some confusion, even in Javanese script and amongst native speakers, probably because a voiced consonant becomes unvoiced in final position. Even so, we believe that it is an important distinction and have tried to follow the most original spelling.

Stuart Robson